(第九屆人大四次會議，2001年3月15日北京)
FULL TEXT OF PREMIER ZHU’S PRESS CONFERENCE AT 4TH SESSION OF 9TH NPCIN CHINESE AND ENGLISH (03/15/2001 Beijing)
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新華社記者：您在這次會議的報告中提出，近期要繼續實施積極的財政政策，請問您如何看待中國現在的財政赤字？如果再連續幾年增發國債的話，財政風險會不會逐漸加大？會不會出現通貨膨脹？
朱噷基答：１９９７年亞洲發生金融危機，中國經濟也面臨很大的困難，一個是外貿出口大幅度下降。
１９９７年中國的出口增長了２０％，到１９９８年出口變成了零增長，以至于負增長。有的中小金融機構發生了一些危機或者說擠兌，國有企業約有一千萬職工下崗，因為需求不足，大多數工業產品生產能力都供過于求。當時面臨著這幺大的困難，對究竟應當采取什幺對策有各種各樣的建議。比方說，有人建議人民幣應該貶值，以促進出口；也有另外一種建議，把國有資產賣了就可以渡過這個危機。但是黨中央、國務院果斷作出了采取積極財政政策和穩健貨幣政策的決策，這個決策執行三年以來，事實證明是正確的。
為什幺是正確的呢？因為當時的歷史條件是中國的人、財、物都不缺乏。財，指的是銀行里居民的儲蓄存款很多。但由于工業加工生產能力過剩，已經沒有多少有效益的項目可以把銀行的存款貸出去，而銀行還得照付利息。如果國有銀行的這些資金不能動用起來，對國家財政就是很沉重的負擔。因此，我們采取由國家財政向銀行發行國債的形式，把銀行的資金動用起來。另一方面，有些國有企業的生產能力嚴重過剩，只有進行基礎設施建設，才能夠把這些過剩的生產能力利用起來。在這種情況下，我們三年發了３６００億元國債搞基礎設施建設，把整個國民經濟都帶動起來了�，F在看，成績是非常明顯的。
首先，這些資金都是投入基礎設施建設的。這三年，我們修建了１７萬公里的公路，１萬公里是高速公路；新建、擴建和電氣化鐵路１萬公里；長江幾千里的大堤也都達到了防洪的標準，再遇到１９９８年那樣大的洪水我們也不害怕了。各個城市也都進行了基礎設施建設，全國的生態和環境保護都得到了改善，這個效益是很明顯的。
其次，基礎設施建設帶動了工業生產，國有企業增加了 ?nbsp| 收和利潤，國有企業改革和脫困的三年目標基本實現。國家的財政收入也大大增加了。我們從去年，也就是說實行積極的財政政策的第三年，看到了這個效果。去年全國財政收入是１３８８０億元，比１９９９年增收１９６０億元，跨了很大的一個臺階，因此我們能夠還債。
因此，中國的財政赤字雖然是增加了，還增加得比較多，但是所有擴大的赤字都是用于基礎設施建設，我們有能力使國債能夠得到雙倍的收益。我認為增發國債沒有任何風險。
去年，我跟美國的前財政部長 ?nbsp| 賓先生在新疆見面，我問他對中國實行積極的財政政策有什幺意見。他問我現在國債的余額，我說１．２萬億元，這包括了過去歷年借的國債，占我國國內生產總值的１４％。他干脆地告訴我說這沒有任何危險，離大家公認的警戒線２０％還差得很遠。當然，我并不是因為他說了這個話就放心了。我是從去年的實踐，就是財政收入一年增加１９６０億元，感到手里有錢，真金白銀都回來了，所以才放心。
這次人民代表大會通過今年再發１５００億元的國債，用于現有國債項目的建設和西部地區大開發的新建項目。我估計明年可能還需要再發１５００億元的國債。經過這兩年以后，現有的國債項目都完成了，西部地區的大開發初具規模，國有企業進入良性循環，財政收入增加，社會資金渠道增多，我相信今后不需要再發這幺多國債了。
但是我也有另外一種擔心，現在老百姓一聽說要發國債，半夜就起來到銀行排隊，國債一個上午就賣光了。我擔心將來不發國債的話，老百姓會對我們有意見。這個道理也很簡單，現在銀行儲蓄的利率一年期只有２．２５％，而國債三年期年利率是２．８９％，五年期年利率是３．１４％。但是，發行國債后，銀行的存款并沒有減少，在征收利息所得 ?nbsp| 以后，存款依然還在增加。這表明人民對我國的經濟是有信心的。
Q: We have noticed that you have stated in the report that China will continue to pursue a proactive fiscal policy. What is your view about the current fiscal deficit? If additional treasury bonds are issued for a few more years will this entail more fiscal risk year after year, and will this lead to inflation?
A: The Asian Financial Crisis broke out in 1997, and that presented China with lots of difficulties. For instance, our exports suffered a drastic decline. In 1997, our exports grew by 20 per cent from the previous year. However, after the crisis had broken out, in 1998, our foreign exports suffered a zero growth rate, or even a negative growth rate. And our small and medium-sized financial institutions also suffered all kinds of crises, like runs on the banks. Because of the lack of demand and the under-capacity operation of State-owned enterprises (SOEs), 10 million workers in SOEs had to be laid off. Much of our industrial and agricultural production was laid idle. How to cope with these difficulties? What kind of measures should we adopt? At that time, we had before us all kinds of proposals. For instance, some people suggested that we should devalue our currency in order to give a boost to our exports. Some other people said why not simply sell State assets, which would have helped us get over the difficulties. But the CPC (Communist Party of China) Central Committee and the State Council made a resolute decision to pursue a proactive fiscal policy and a prudent monetary policy. These policies have been implemented for three years, and facts have proved how successful these policies are.
It is because of historical circumstances at that time. At that time, China did not lack financial resources because people had saved a lot of money in their bank accounts. But because of the surplus production capacity in our industries, banks could not find ideal and efficient projects to make loans to. So they had to suffer the payment of interest to those saving deposits, which were laying idle. If the banks could not make an efficient use of those savings, it would be a tremendous financial burden on the State. Therefore, through the issue of treasury bonds, we sold the bonds to the banks. In this way, we made the best use of the savings in the deposits.
On the other hand, there were excessive surpluses of production capacity on the part of enterprises, so we had to undertake many projects in order to utilize those surplus production capacities. But even with those measures, there were still lots of workers who had to be laid off. So for three years, we issued a total of 360 billion yuan (US$43.5 billion) of treasury bonds, and that led to 1.5 trillion yuan (US$181.3 billion) of total investment in infrastructure projects.
As a result, the overall national economy has been revitalized. The outcome of these policies has been very effective and successful.
First, the money actually went to the infrastructure projects. Over the past three years, with capital raised through these channels, we managed to build 170,000 kilometres of highway, including 10,000 kilometres of expressway. We have also built or upgraded 10,000 kilometres of railway. We have also consolidated the embankments along such rivers as the Yangtze River , which has made them better prepared for floods. If China is hit once again by a flood as serious as the one that hit us in 1998, it would not cause as much concern because the banks have been consolidated. We have also used the money to improve the ecosystem and the environment. We have built some sewage disposal works. The effects are very evident.
Secondly, with these infrastructure projects, enterprises are able to start operation, and this has led to the turning around of State-owned enterprises in three years. It has also led to the increase of tax revenue. The State’s revenues have increased by a wide margin. Last year, we already saw the favourable results of this policy. We saw very clearly that if we boost the production in the national economy, it could lead to the increase of revenue. Last year, the total national revenue amounted to 1.388 trillion yuan (US$167.6 billion), an increase of 196 billion yuan (US$23.7 billion) over that of 1999, and that was a big increase. So we are in a sound financial position to service all those treasury bonds.
It is true that we are seeing a significant increase of fiscal deficits. But we have to keep in mind the fact that all the deficits have been used to support infrastructure projects. We are able to pay back twice as much as the debts that we owe. I don’t see any real risk.
Last year, I had a meeting with former US Treasury Secretary Mr Rubin in Xinjiang. During the meeting, I asked his opinion about China ’s proactive fiscal policy. He asked me about the overall size of the treasury bonds. I said the cumulative amount of the national debt stood at 1.2 trillion yuan (US$144.9 billion), accounting for 14 per cent of the GNP (gross national product). He gave me a very clear-cut answer: "There is no risk at all, because that is still far away from the 20 per cent international safety level." So I was reassured. But certainly I was more reassured by the fact that these policies resulted in the increase of fiscal revenue by 196 billion yuan (US$23.7 billion) last year. So I got real money in my pocket, which gives me real confidence that it won’t lead to any risk.
This year, the State Council’s proposal was adopted by the current session of the National People’s Congress. We will issue an additional amount of 150 billion yuan (US$18.1 billion) of treasury bonds to support the ongoing projects and also to undertake new projects in the development of China ’s western region. I expect that in the next year, maybe another 150 billion yuan of treasury bonds will be issued. With this new issuance of treasury bonds, we will be able to finish all those ongoing projects in two years, and the programme of developing China ’s western region will assume an initial scale. At that time, since we have already arrived at the favourable situation of a sound cycle on the part of State-owned enterprises, and have more fiscal revenue and various channels to raise social capital, I don’t think there is need for us to issue as many treasury bonds as we do now. Or perhaps there is no need at all to issue any treasury bonds to undertake those construction projects. Let’s wait and see.
But I have another concern. When we announce that a new treasury bond will be issued, the general public is very excited. They get up early in the morning and queue before the banks. All the treasury bonds are sold out in a mere morning. If we decide not to issue any more treasury bonds, I am afraid the general public will be quite unhappy.
The reason is simple, it lies in the discrepancy of interest rates. For a one-year deposit, the interest rate is only 2.25 per cent, whereas the interest rate for the three-year maturity treasury bond is 2.87 per cent, and for the five-year maturity treasury bond the interest rate stands at 3.07 per cent. So there is a real difference.
Although we have issued treasury bonds, savings in the banks have not decreased. Since we imposed the interest tax, savings continue to increase in the banks. I think this is proof enough to show that the Chinese public have confidence in the government.
德國金融時報記者：現在越來越多的中國人開始談到可能會進行政治體制改革問題。幾星期前，德國國防部長沙爾平先生訪問北京，在同江澤民主席談話以后，他見了德國的記者，說他同江澤民主席談到了黨的作用問題。昨天我聽到中國的高級官員說，中國現在正在研究東歐地區前社會主義國家一些社會民主黨的情況。我想問的是，政治體制改革在中國是否已經臨近？如果是的話，將從哪些部門開始改起？是從黨還是從憲法制度開始改起？ 答：中國的政治體制改革一直在進行，而且還在繼續進行。但是，我們的政治體制改革絕對不會抄襲西方的模式，也就是說不實行政黨的輪流坐莊或者是兩院制。我們黨內的各項制度要進行改革，包括干部組織人事制度要改革。我們的國家機關，我們的政權機關也需要改革。因此，不存在你說的誰先改誰后改的問題。
Q: Are there political reforms around the corner for China , and where would they start, in the Party or with the Constitution?
A: Political reform in China has been ongoing, and it is continuing to develop. We will never copy the Western model when we carry out political restructuring. In other words, we will not copy the experience of letting two parties take shifts in running the affairs of the State or introduce a two-chamber congress. It is true that we are going to reform the institutions of the Party. For instance we are going to improve our practice with regard to the appointment of leaders, with regard to organizational aspects and with regard to the human resources aspect of the work of the Party. There is also work to do to improve the operation of governmental institutions and other governmental organs. It cannot be said which will come first.
日本ＮＨＫ記者：我想就日本教科書問題提一個問題，日本已經對歷史教科書進行了一些修改，您如何看待日本教科書的修改？另外，教科書問題會不會影響日中兩國領導人的互訪？
答：中日之間的關系已經在１９９８年江澤民主席訪問日本的時候，共同確定了一種致力于和平和發展的友好合作伙伴關系。去年我訪問日本的時候，按照江澤民主席所提出來的 "以史為鑒、面向未來"的精神，和日本政府的領導人進行了友好的會談，我也向各界人士做了一些增信釋疑的工作。我認為目前中日兩國關系的主流是很好的。
教科書問題并不僅是中日兩國之間的問題，它是日本同整個亞洲有關國家和亞洲人民的問題。如果日本的軍國主義者發動侵略戰爭這個歷史事實被歪曲，那不但傷害了中國人民的感情，而且傷害了全亞洲人民的感情。這些教科書是要由日本政府的文部省來審定的，所以日本政府對修改教科書負有不可推卸的責任。不能夠以觀點言論自由作為借口來推卸這個責任。我聽說已經做了一些修改。但是，根據亞洲各國人民的反映，這種修改是不夠的。我認為這并不是誰要去干涉日本的內政，而是關系到日本人民同包括中國人民在內的亞洲人民能不能世世代代友好下去的問題，也是關系日本人民的利益的問題。當然，我并不認為這個問題會影響中日兩國之間的來往，包括高層的來往。我再次重申，我邀請森喜朗首相今年訪問中國。
Q: I’d like to pose a question relating to the textbook issue. Japan has made amendments to the history textbook. What’s your view on those amendments? And what kind of impact will this issue have on the Japan-China relationship and on the exchange of visits between the leaders of the two countries? How would you characterize the current state of affairs in the Japan-China relationship?
A: President Jiang Zemin paid a state visit to Japan in 1998. During that visit, both sides agreed to work towards a friendly and co-operative relationship that is oriented towards peace and development. Ever since then the relationship between the two countries has grown significantly. I myself visited Japan last year. In accordance with the spirit of using history as a guide and mirror and looking forward to the future put forward by President Jiang, I held friendly discussions with leaders of the Japanese government. I also worked to enhance trust and reduce misgivings through meetings and talks with people from all social sectors in Japan . In my opinion, the overall relationship between Japan and China is good.
The question of the history textbook is not just an issue between China and Japan . Rather it is an issue between Japan and all the Asian countries and people throughout Asia . If the past history of aggression started by Japanese militarists is denied and if the historical facts are distorted, it will not only hurt the feelings of the Chinese people, but also those of people throughout Asia .
Since the textbook would have to be reviewed by the Japanese Government, or to be more specific, the Ministry of Education, the Government of Japan bears unshirkable responsibility to have those amendments made.
They should not avoid taking responsibility on the grounds that people have freedom of view and freedom of speech. I know that certain changes to the amendments have already been made. But according to the views of people throughout Asia , these changes are not enough.
I don’t think this is an issue that should be regarded as interference in Japan ’s internal affairs. Rather, this is a serious issue that will have a bearing on whether or not the people of Japan and of other Asian countries, including China , can develop a friendly relationship from generation to generation. So it is also in the interests of Japan to have this problem solved.
I don’t think this should affect interactions between China and Japan or exchange of visits between senior leaders. On this occasion I’d like to once again extend my invitation to the Japanese Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori to visit China this year. Last year I paid a visit to Japan . I felt I had very good communication with Japanese people during my visit, and it left me with a memorable impression.
中央電視臺記者：本屆政府任期間，在政府機構改革和職能轉變方面取得了重大進展，您這一次在關于十五計劃綱要的報告里提出，要進一步實行政企分開，切實轉變政府職能。請問您對于目前政府機構改革和職能轉變方面哪些進展比較滿意，哪些方面還不太滿意？哪些方面準備著力推進？
答：我認為本屆政府的機構改革是成功的。從１９９８年以后，我們用很短的時間，通過機構改革，使包括國務院系統的機關干部，從３３０００人減少到１６０００多人，也就是說減了一半，沒有發生任何的動蕩�，F在各省、自治區、直轄市的政府機構也按照同樣的比例進行了精簡。今年我們又確定，對于市縣的機構按照２０％的比例進行精簡，辭退編外人員。這些政府機構的改革，對于提高政府的效率和政府職能的轉變，有很大的好處�，F在政府機構的辦事效率有很大的提高。
當然，我也有不滿意的地方，就是我們政府機構的職能轉變還沒有完成，有些干部習慣于計劃經濟體制下的政府工作，對于在社會主義市場經濟條件下政府職能還不是很清楚，做了一些不應該做的事情，我把這個叫做角色錯位。我們還在進行改革，去年已經把十個國家局，相當于過去的十個部撤銷了９個，改革了１個。這就是很大的變化。同時，我們還加強一些適應社會主義市場經濟要求的部門，比方說國家工商行政管理局、國家質量技術監督局和國家出入境檢驗檢疫局、新聞出版署，這些部門我們要加強、要升格，也就是說他們原來是副部級單位，現在要變成正部級單位。當然，職能的轉變，不是一件容易的事，需要時間，我們將繼續努力。
Q: I would like to ask a question relating to political restructuring. We have noticed that significant progress has been made since you took office in the institutional reform of the government as well as the transformation of the functions of government. In the outline of the 10th Five-Year Plan (2001-05), you also said efforts should be made to further separate government administration from enterprises’ management to effectively transform the functions of government. May I ask about the progress made so far in this field? What has left you satisfied and what has left you feeling unsatisfied? And in what area are you going to press ahead with greater efforts?
A: I think our efforts in carrying out government institutional reform have been successful. Since 1998, in a very short period of time, we have managed to cut down the size of the staff of the State Council from 33,000 to 16,000, a margin of 50 per cent, and no dislocation resulted. And the provincial and municipal governments have also reduced their staff by the same proportion. And this year we have asked county and city level governments to cut their staff by 20 per cent. For those people that are not in the personnel quota, they will be asked to leave government offices. As a result, I think the government has improved its work efficiency and improved its institutional functions. So I can say that as far as the State Council departments are concerned, our work efficiency has improved significantly.
Of course, there are still some aspects that I am not very satisfied with. For instance, we are yet to complete our task in transforming the functions of government. Our staff are too accustomed to working under the planned economy. They are not adjusted well enough to the socialist market economy, so they are not highly aware of the proper role they should play under the socialist market economy. And the reforms in this area is still going on. Last year we actually reformed 10 bureaux, bureaux that were actually ministries in early days. So we dissolved nine industrial bureaux and we reformed one bureau. That was a very significant change. With regard to other departments, for those that meet the needs of the socialist market economy, we have reinforced them, particularly institutions like the State Administration of Industry and Commerce, the State Bureau of Quality and Technical Supervision and the State Exit-entry Inspection and Quarantine Bureau. For these types of institutions, they have to be reinforced and upgraded from the vice-ministerial level to full ministerial level.
Of course, it is no easy job at all to transform the functions of government. It takes time, and we will continue to work very hard.
俄羅斯勞動報記者：今年在上海要舉行"上海五國" 元首會晤。請問中俄經濟合作的前途如何，對中國的西部開發會起什幺作用？
答：我想 "上海五國"元首第六次會晤將繼續過去的成果，包括推動經濟合作的成果。通過首腦之間的交流，這個成果會有進一步的發展。西部大開發是中國第十個五年計劃的一個重要內容，我想首腦會議一定會討論這個問題，并且將采取措施促進我們之間的合作。
Q: In the second half of this year, there will be the first ever summit of the "Shanghai Five" (The group consists of China , Kazakhstan , Tajikistan , Russia and Kyrgyzstan ) at the prime ministerial level. What is your view of the prospects for economic co-operation and trade among the "Shanghai Five." What kind of role could it play to facilitate China ’s development of western regions?
A: Certainly the summit of the prime ministers in the "Shanghai-Five" meeting will build on what we have already achieved in the past. The heads of governments of the "Shanghai Five" states will try to work for even greater results from their co-operation. Of course, since the development of China ’s western regions is an important policy outlined in the 10th Five-Year Plan, we will certainly discuss it in the meeting, and we will try to work out measures to promote these efforts.
ＣＮＮ記者：在剛剛結束的全國人民代表大會的閉幕式上，我們看到對于最高人民法院和最高人民檢察院的報告，有不少代表投了反對票和棄權票，請問他們的這種反應是不是對于政府打擊腐敗的能力缺乏信心？
答：我對于今天的表決結果內心既感到沉重，也感到高興，因為比去年的情況還是好一些，以三分之二的多數通過了這兩個報告。我們一定會更加警醒，進一步改善我們的政法工作、反腐敗工作。我認為，這個投票結果并不表示人民群眾對我們喪失信心，人民群眾是信任我們的。
Q: The closing session of the NPC says there are quite a few no-votes and abstentions on the work report - Supreme Court and Chief Procurator reports. Do you agree that this kind of response from the NPC delegates reflects the lack of confidence in the government’s ability to deal with corruption?
A: Well, after seeing the results of the votes, I do actually feel it is quite serious. But on the whole I feel quite happy because it is a big improvement over the situation last year. Both reports were adopted with over two-thirds majority.
Of course, this still shows that people are less satisfied with the work of the government, particularly the State Council.
We should use the voting result as a constant reminder and urge that we should work even harder to strengthen our work in the judicial field and carry out anti-corruption work even better. But I do not think this reflects the loss of confidence among the general public on the ability of the government to wipe out corruption. The general public do trust the government.
香港星島日報記者：不久前您提到將聘請香港的金融專家擔任中國人民銀行的副行長，請問是否已經物色到人選？除了中央銀行和證監會，其它的部門會否也有相同的計劃？這種安排是否會引起內地其它一些官員的不滿，您對來自海外的人才有何要求和期望？ 答：當今世界的競爭是人才的競爭。因此，我們決定要從海外我們的留學生中，從香港、澳門、臺灣，吸收和利用人才，來加強我們在世界上的競爭能力。引進這些人才的重點，是那些開放程度越來越大、競爭越來越激烈的部門，比如說銀行、證券、保險等行業，以及國有大型企業的管理層。
香港證監會的副主席史美倫女士來擔任中國證監會的副主席，這僅僅是一個開始，我們還會繼續實行這個政策。當然，我現在并沒有確定的人選，我希望聽取各界，也包括你對我提出的意見，這樣便于我們進行充分的考慮和比較。 Q: Not so long ago, you said you would invite financial experts from Hong Kong to compete for the position of deputy governor of the central bank. Have you already found appropriate candidates for this post?
And, in addition to the People’s Bank and China Securities Regulatory Commission (CSRC), what other departments in the central government would recruit people from Hong Kong or overseas to take leading positions?
Would their service cause discontent among their fellow colleagues in the mainland? And what expectations do you have on these professionals recruited from outside mainland?
A: In today’s world, competition among states is mainly a competition among talented professionals. Therefore, it is a decision adopted by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China to fully absorb and make use of the talented people among our overseas students and among the professionals in Hong Kong , Macao and Taiwan . This will help us strengthen our competitive edge.
The departments that would introduce talented people from outside are those that are exposed to increasingly fierce competition and that are opening wider to the outside world. This would include departments mainly in the banking sector, securities industry, insurance industry, etc. And, also, there is particular need for some large State-owned enterprises to recruit outside talented people to serve at the top management level.
Madam Shih May-Lung of the Hong Kong Securities and Futures Commission will serve as the vice-chairwoman of the CSRC. This move only represents the beginning of our work in the field. We will continue to pursue this policy. I don’t have any fixed candidates yet. I would rather hear recommendations from people from all walks of life, and maybe you can also make suggestions regarding the best candidates for those posts.
新加坡聯合早報記者：我想問的問題是關于ＮＭＤ和ＴＭＤ，我們知道中國強烈和堅決反對美國發展ＮＭＤ和將臺灣納入ＴＭＤ，但是，如果美國一意孤行的話，中國會怎幺辦？
答：你這個問題我一句話很難回答，是不是允許我談一談中美關系的問題？我想這也是大家所關心的。布什總統上任以來，政府換了新人，有些人我們不很熟悉，有的還不認識。因此，中美關系的磨合還需要一個過程。我們從華盛頓得到了很多的信息，我們非常認真地研讀和仔細地解析，我們有時候感到這些信息有些矛盾，需要澄清，我們也得到了使我們滿意的澄清。有些問題我們感到是誤會，需要溝通，我們也進行了有效的溝通。錢其琛副總理即將訪問美國，這就是我們在高層次的溝通。我也收到了鮑威爾國務卿的來信。我要鄭重地告訴大家，江澤民主席和布什總統之間的信息渠道是暢通的，他們保持著密切的聯系。我們得到的直接的信息是布什總統重視中美關系，認為這種關系有助于構筑２１世紀，而且他希望和江澤民主席一道，共同促進中美兩國關系穩定、健康地發展。
我們被明確告知，美國將堅持一個中國的政策，繼續履行在中美三個聯合公報中的承諾。關于我們兩國存在的分歧，布什總統也表示，將會通過平等、互相尊重、協商的方式來解決。他也相信，臺灣問題將會得到妥善的解決。
當然，我們也有分歧，比方說美國新政府的一些高級人士認為，中美雙方所確定的面向２１世紀的建設性的戰略伙伴關系是不對的，應該改為競爭對手關系。但是，他們也認為，競爭對手不一定是敵人。所以，我認為這個問題還需要溝通，關鍵是怎幺理解戰略伙伴關系。我們所講的戰略，就是長期穩定的意思。中國的外交政策從來是不結盟，也不針對第三者。至于伙伴關系與競爭對手，并不是矛盾的。當前，和平與發展是時代的主題。在經濟全球化的形勢下，國與國之間既有競爭，也有合作。我很高興聽到鮑威爾先生講，中美雖然是競爭對手，但是在貿易方面還是伙伴。而且他也認為，在其它領域中美也應該進行合作。因此，我看這個分歧不算太大。我記得１９９８年，我在倫敦參加亞歐會議，與正在倫敦的美國前總統老布什見面的時候，他第一句話就問我，你們中國的私有化搞得怎幺樣了？順利嗎？我當時吃了一驚，我說布什先生，中國不搞私有化，我們搞的是股份制。股份制是公有制的多種實現形式之一。我贊成布什總統說的，中美兩國的友好合作關系，有利于構筑２１世紀。我也相信，中美兩國近１６億人民之間長期穩定的友好合作關系，一定會有利于全世界６０億人民之間的和平發展、繁榮穩定。
我們很高興布什總統接受江澤民主席的邀請，將要參加今年１０月２０日在上海舉行的ＡＰＥＣ領導人非正式會晤并訪問北京，我相信這是我們相互溝通的一個大好機會。
關于ＮＭＤ，中國的立場是明確的：反對。因為它違反了反導條約，同時它只會導致國際的軍備競賽。我們多次明確向美國表明了我們的態度。我們也知道，布什總統表示會和中國進行協商。
Q: I have a question concerning National Missile Defence (NMD) and Theatre Missile Defence (TMD) systems. We know China is firmly opposed to the development of NMD by the US and also opposed to the US attempt to incorporate Taiwan under the TMD system. My question is that if the United States decides to go ahead with these two programmes, how will China react?
A: It is hard for me to answer your question in a single sentence. Maybe I can share with you my observation on China-US relations.
We know there has been a new US administration with George W. Bush taking office, and we are not familiar with it. We have not got acquainted with some members of the US Government, and it takes time for the two sides to get to know each other.
We have heard information from Washington , and with regard to this, we always take a very close look at it and try to analyze what the implications are. But sometimes we do get very complicated information from Washington . We would ask them to make clarification. In some cases they have made clarifications to our satisfaction. And in other cases, because of the misunderstanding, there is a need for us to make effective communication with each other. Vice-Premier Qian Qichen will soon pay a visit to the United States , and this represents an exchange of views at a high level. I myself have received a letter from Secretary of State Colin Powell.
Now I want to tell you that the channel of exchange of views between President Jiang Zemin and President George W. Bush is open and unimpeded and they have kept in close touch.
The message we have received directly from the United States is that President Bush attaches importance to relations with China , and in his view, the China-US relationship is important and helpful for the shaping of the 21st century. He has also expressed the hope that, together with President Jiang, he will work to bring about a stable and steadily growing China-US relationship.
They have told us in clear-cut terms that the United States continues to adhere to the one-China principle and they will continue to honour the commitment as enshrined in the three China-US communiques.
With regard to the differences between China and the United States , President Bush has also stated that these should be resolved through consultation on the basis of equality and mutual respect. He also expressed that he believes the question of Taiwan will certainly be appropriately resolved.
There also exist some differences between China and the United States . For instance, according to certain senior members of the US administration, they believe that the constructive strategical partnership with orientation towards the 21st century as agreed upon by the two sides was a misnomer and it does not reflect the true picture. Relations between the two countries should be characterized as competitive rivalry.
But it is also their view that competitors are not necessary enemies.
There is a need for better communication to properly understand the connotations of the constructive strategical partnership. We actually mean to strategically bring about a long-term stable relationship with the United States . In our foreign policy, it has been our consistent stance not to enter into any alliance with any other country and the relationship will never target any third country.
Partnership and competition are not always at odds with each other. Now the theme of the world is peace and development, and we are seeing the growing trend of economic globalization, so countries compete and co-operate at the same time. I am therefore pleased to hear from Mr Powell that although China and the United States are competitors, they are indeed partners in the field of trade.
He also holds the view that China and the United States are to co-operate in other areas, so I do not think the differences are very serious.
I still remember my meeting with former US President George Bush when I went to London in 1998 for the Asia-Euro meeting. He asked me how I am progressing with the privatization programme in China . I was quite shocked. I told him that China did not go for privatization.
What we are doing in China is actually corporatization, and corporatization is only one of the many ways to realize public ownership. The answer I got from former US President George Bush was "Well, no matter how do you describe it, we know what is going on." We all agree.
And I also had the impression that he was quite right. Maybe this can also be described as each expressing the consensus in their own way.
I fully endorse this view of President Bush that friendly relations and co-operation between China and the United States would be helpful for the shaping of the 21st century, and also believe that the long-term stable friendly relations and co-operation between 1.6 billion Chinese and the American people would be in the interests of peace, development, prosperity and stability for the entire 6 billion world population.
I am also very happy that President Bush has already accepted the invitation from President Jiang to attend the informal APEC leadership meeting that is scheduled for October 20 this year in Shanghai , and also pay a state visit to China . I am very pleased because the visit to China by President Bush will present an excellent opportunity for the two countries to communicate better with each other.
Now I can come back to your question concerning NMD. Our stance is a clear-cut one: We are opposed to NMD.
We are opposed to it because it is against the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and it can only lead to an international arms race.
We have explicitly expressed our position on many occasions on this issue to the US side, and we have noted that President Bush has expressed the view that they will have consultations with China on this issue.
法國世界報記者：最近對中國股市的問題正在進行激烈的辯論。有人認為中國的股市就像一個賭場，有人認為中國的股市有崩潰的風險。我想問中國政府對于股市的發展奉行什幺樣的政策？Ａ股市場和Ｂ股市場合并有沒有一個時間表？上海和深圳兩個股市的合并有沒有計劃？另外，我們注意到，中國一些上市公司經營不善，但是迄今為止，還沒有看到任何一家上市公司被摘牌，上市公司由于經營不善被摘牌這種情況是否會在中國股市發生？對于這些經營不善的上市公司，中國是否會采取嚴厲的措施？
答：關于中國股市有各種各樣的看法，這不是說明中國有言論自由嗎？因此，我對中國股市的狀況不會做任何評論。我們的既定方針就是要加強證券市場的法制、規范、監管、自律。最近，中國證監會對Ｂ股的改革，是我們對股市整頓和改革的一個新嘗試，目的就是要利用中國目前居民手中近８００億美元的外匯，為他們開辟一條新的投資渠道。同時，我們也希望，這樣能夠吸引更多的外國投資者來投資Ｂ股，促進 B股的發展。至于Ａ股和Ｂ股會不會合并，證監會沒有談到這個問題。我沒有排除它們合并的可能，但是這需要有一個相當長的時間。至于上市公司的整頓，是股票市場加強監管的一個核心問題。中國證監會正在采取各種措施，來加強這一方面的工作，摘牌肯定是他們考慮的一個措施。 Q: Mr Premier, there is currently a hot debate in China about the stock market. Some people have warned against a market casino, others feel the risk of crush. Could you tell us about the Chinese Government’s mid-term policy? Is there any timing regarding the merger of A shares and B shares and the merger of Shanghai and Shenzhen markets?
And there is another hot debate about the delisting of companies which are badly run. So far there has been no delisting. When will it happen? Are you ready to take harsh actions against such companies?
A: With regard to China ’s stock market, there are all sorts of comments and opinions. I think it is evident enough that people in China enjoy freedom of speech. I will refrain from making any comments on China ’s stock exchange, except I will tell you our set policy. Our policy is that we should strengthen the rule of law over the securities market, which will make them more standardized in their operation. We will strengthen regulation and ask them to enhance self-discipline.
Recently the CSRC has introduced some reform measures to the B-share market. This is a new attempt to reform China ’s stock market. The purpose is to open up an additional channel for investment for those Chinese citizens that own foreign exchange. The total amount of foreign exchange they own now stands at more than US$80 billion. We also hope that such a move will be able to attract more foreign investors to invest in the B-share market and promote the development of China ’s stock market.
Whether or not the A-share market and B-share market will merge -the CSRC has not talked about this yet. I have not ruled out such a possibility. So let’s wait and see. But I think it will take a fairly long period of time.
With regard to the delisting of the poorly run enterprises, certainly this is a core issue that the CSRC is considering to strengthen regulations, and I am sure delisting would be one of the measures they would consider. It’s on their minds.
人民日報記者：現在社會上對收入分配問題意見比較強烈，您在"十五"計劃綱要的報告中也提出，要規范社會分配秩序，防止收入差距過分擴大。請問您怎樣看待當前收入差距的問題？政府準備采取哪些有力措施調節收入分配？
答：收入分配差距過大的問題，值得我們認真注意。但是我認為，目前還沒有達到嚴重的地步。據１９９９年的調查，根據國際慣例所計算的基尼系數是０．３９，也就是說，接近于國際認為的警戒線的水平。但是我認為，由于下面的一些原因，問題還沒有那幺嚴重。第一，因為歷史上城鄉收入差距很大。由于目前糧食供給的相對過剩，糧價下跌，農民收入增幅有所下降，特別是糧食主產區的農民收入下降更多一些。這個問題，黨中央、國務院非常重視，已經把增加農民收入作為當前經濟工作的首要任務，放在突出的位置，我們將出臺一系列措施來解決這個問題。第二，城市居民中，由于國有企業改革還沒有完成，下崗和失業的職工還比較多。因此，在職職工和下崗職工之間收入差距也越來越大。這個問題，我們將通過完善和建立規范的社會保障體系和改進再就業的工作來解決。第三，某些行業或者由于歷史的原因，或者由于壟斷的優勢，收入過高。我們將對這些壟斷行業，包括電力、電信、鐵路、民航進行體制改革，改變他們的壟斷地位。當然，我們還會通過 ?nbsp| 收的手段來縮小收入的差距。比方說健全個人所得?nbsp| 制，收入最高的應該交４５％的?nbsp| ，這些方面我們執行得還不很好，今后要更好地改進，要依法征收�？傊瑢κ杖敕峙洳罹鄦栴}是三句話：值得注意，尚不嚴重，正在解決。 Q: The general public feel very strongly about the income gap between different groups of people. In the 10th Five-Year Plan (2001-05), you have also called for the regulation of social distribution in order to avoid excessive discrepancies in income distribution.
What is your comment about the current gap in income distribution, and what forceful measures will the government adopt to solve the problem?
A: According to a survey done in 1999, the Gini co-efficient stood at 0.39, which was quite close to the international danger level. But for the following reasons, the situation is not as serious as it seems.
First, the income gap between urban and rural residents was something caused by historical reasons. At the moment, there is relative surplus in food supply and the price of grain has dropped, which has resulted in a decline in the increase of income for farmers in the grain producing areas. The CPC Central Committee and the State Council have attached great importance to this issue and we have taken it as our top priority to help increase the farmers’ income. This has been given very prominent position in the report and we are going to adopt a series of measures to see their income increases.
Secondly, the income gap among urban residents. The reform of State-owned enterprises is not complete yet and there are still numerous workers who will be laid off or unemployed and the income gap between the working population on the one hand and laid-off workers on the other is widening. We are going to have these problems solved through the improvement and establishment of a standardized social security system and also through better work in helping them get re-employed.
Third, the monopoly has been formed because of historical reasons. Certain sectors and certain industries have been over paid. Let me quote a satirical poem to describe the industries that are pretty well-off in their salaries. They include the banking industry, securities industry, insurance industry, the power sector, telecommunication industry plus the tobacco industry. Those working in the oil and natural gas industry and the petrochemical industry are also pretty well paid.
And of course, we will resort to taxation as an approach to narrowing the income gap. For instance, the highest tax rate for personal income tax can be as high as 45 per cent. In other words, nearly half of the personal income will be turned over as tax. But the policy in taxation has not been adequately implemented. There is still room for improvement. So in the future, we will try to work hard and collect taxes in accordance with the law.
To sum up, with regard to the problem you have raised, it deserves careful attention, although it is not serious yet. We have already been working to resolve it
英國ＳＫＹ Ｎ ews電視臺記者：請問您是否真的認為，江西的一所小學校是由于一個孤僻的、腦子有問題的人背了兩袋子鞭炮炸毀的？你是否擔心，由于您這樣一個說法，使得國際社會對于中國經濟改革的注意力被分散了？
答：我對江西萬載縣芳林小學發生的爆炸事件心情感到很沉重，我向遇難者表示沉痛的哀悼，對于他們的家屬表示慰問。發生這樣一件事情，特別是發生在江澤民主席對于這種爆炸事件多次作出批示的情況下，國務院沒有盡到應盡的責任，感到心情沉重，我應該進行檢討。爆炸事件發生以后，江西省省長立即從北京趕回江西處理善后，公安部也派出專家調查組對爆炸的情況進行調查。他們正式的調查結果，就像我前幾天向報界宣布的那樣。在我講話以后，我知道海內外的新聞界，包括香港一些媒體，認為這一次爆炸是由于學校生產爆竹所引起的，不同意我的看法。因此，我親自要求公安部長賈春旺再派遣一個６個人的專家調查組，到江西去進行微服私訪。他們回來以后給我的報告說，他們發現了一些線索，比方說這個學校在１９９９年曾經用勤工儉學的名義，讓學生做爆竹插引信的工作，但是在去年萍鄉爆炸案發生以后，他們停止了這種活動。另外，我們在現場也沒有找到生產和裝配這種花炮的證據。
今天，我不需要在這里跟對這件事情有懷疑的中外記者進行辯論。我認為，不管事實如何，國務院和我本人都負有不可推卸的責任。也就是說，對于中央和江澤民主席的指示執行不力。但是我也相信，不管怎幺樣，歷史是不能隱瞞的，我們將繼續調查這件事情，使它能夠水落石出。但是，目前我們沒有證據來否定原來的結論。 我今天向全國人民承諾，我們一定會從這件事情吸取足夠的教訓，重申和完善已經制定的法規，就是說，絕對不能允許學生和未成年的兒童進行有生命危險的勞動。如果因此導致危害他們的生命安全，一定會把縣長、鄉長、鎮長立即撤職，并且依法追究他的刑事責任，對于省長也應該給予行政處分。我們一定會實現對人民的承諾。 Q: Do you genuinely believe that it was a lone madman with two bags of fireworks who destroyed a school?
A: I was really distressed when I learned the news of the explosion in the primary school in Jiangxi . I want to use this occasion to once again express my condolences to those who have lost their lives, also to the grieving families. I feel very sad because this incident occurred despite the fact that President Jiang made lots of important instructions on efforts to prevent explosions and accidents. The State Council has not performed its mission properly. I feel very sad and I carry a very heavy heart. I want to apologize and review and reflect on my own work.
After the incident occurred, the governor of Jiangxi hurried back from Beijing immediately to deal with the aftermath. The Ministry of Public Security also dispatched experts to investigate the causes of the incident, and they have submitted a formal report. The result was as I already told to the media a few days ago.
I know overseas media and media in Hong Kong did not agree with the explanation I gave them. They all chose to believe that the explosion was caused by production of fireworks by the students.
Therefore, I personally asked the Minister of Public Security Minister Jia Chunwang to send a six-member expert group to do an investigation on their own without wearing uniforms in Jiangxi .
They did report to me some clues. For instance, they said the school in 1999 did ask some students to mount fuse to fireworks in the name of work-for-study. But since an explosion incident in Pingxiang relating to the fireworks industry, the school had stopped such practices. At the scene of the explosion, no evidence has been found which would indicate the production of fireworks or the assemble of fireworks.
Today, there is no need for me to have a debate with those skeptical journalists, those from foreign countries and those from regions like Hong Kong and elsewhere in China . The fact is the State Council and myself in particular have not adequately implemented instructions of the CPC Central Committee and President Jiang in particular on avoiding those incidents. Having said that, I want to emphasize that I do believe no one is able to cover up historical truth, so investigation will continue until we get the full picture. But up to now there is no evidence that can be found to override the conclusion we already drew.
Here, I want to solemnly commit before the people of this country that we should learn lessons from this incident and I want to re-emphasize that we should formulate and reiterate regulations. That is, we will never allow anyone to ask students or minors to engage in activities and work that will pose danger to their lives. Should an incident occur that costs the loss of human life, then the head of the county, the village and the city would be sacked from office immediately; they will also be held criminally responsible for those incidents. With regard to the governor of the province, he will also be disciplined.
The State Council will certainly fulfil its commitments it has made to the Chinese people.
臺灣中國時報記者：現在兩岸關系還是僵持狀態，我不知道總理有沒有想過采取一些不一樣的具體的方式，來化解兩岸的僵持。比如說在不提出任何先決條件下推動兩岸"三通"，或者是像去年下半年錢副總理說的那樣，大陸和臺灣同屬于一個中國，就是用更有彈性的方式來解釋一個中國。
答：關于臺灣問題，中國所有領導人的講話都是明確的、一致的，也就是根據 "一國兩制"的原則和江澤民主席的八項主張來辦事。現在關鍵的問題是有人不承認一個中國的原則。如果不承認一個中國，有什幺可以談的呢？如果承認一個中國，什幺問題都可以談。關于"三通"的問題，我們從１９７９年以來就作出最大的努力來促進" 三通"的實現。我們的原則從來都很明確，那就是"一國兩制"，直接"三通"、雙向交流、互惠互利。我們希望臺灣當局回到一個中國的立場上來，那樣什幺問題都可以談。如果不承認一個中國，甚至不承認自己是中國人，那怎幺談呢？
Q: Ever since 1998, people, including those from Taiwan , have had very high expectations about the press conferences that you give. The mainland has already listed national reunification as one of three major tasks, however, the two sides of the Taiwan Straits are still at stalemate. What measures can you come up with to break the deadlock? For instance, without setting any pre-condition, can you think of any measure to advance the "three direct links?" Or, could you explain and interpret the one-China principle more flexibly to bring about the breaking of the deadlock? For instance, in the latter half of last year, Vice-Premier Qian Qichen has stated that there is but one China in the world, mainland and Taiwan are parts of one China and China’s sovereignty and integrity brook no division, could such moves help solve the problem?
A: With regard to the settlement of the question of Taiwan , all the statements made by the Chinese leaders are clear-cut and consistent. That is, this question should be resolved on the basis of the "one country, two systems" principle and the Eight-Point Proposal put forward by President Jiang.
The most essential issue is whether or not the one-China principle is recognized. If the one-China principle is not recognized, what can be discussed? If the one-China principle is recognized, any subject can be touched upon.
With regard to the "three links," we have made utmost efforts since 1979 in order to achieve "three direct links." The principles are clear: they are "one country, two systems," direct two-way and reciprocity.
We hope the Taiwan authorities will come back to the one-China principle. Under the one-China principle, any issue can be discussed. If they do not recognize the one-China principle, or even worse, they do not admit they are Chinese, then how can such talks get off?
韓國中央日報記者：中國人民完成十五計劃的那一年，你認為你會在哪兒？還是在總理的位置上，或者是在學校，或者退休在家？您認為到多大年齡時，您就不再適合擔任公職？
答：我最近看到一些新聞媒體特別是英國的《金融時報》說，朱噷基已經老了，也就是說不中用了。也有香港報紙說，可能這次朱噷基的政府工作報告是他最后一次的報告了。我想他們說得也對，我比你們在座的人都老得多。我目前只能說，我的任期是到２００３年，現在來談論今后的人事問題還為時過早。我可以告訴大家的是，明年的政府工作報告還是由我來做，后年的政府工作報告還是我來做。因此，明年的記者招待會還是由我來回答問題，今天提問題沒有提夠的，歡迎你們明年再來。至于說我什幺時候退休，退休以后干什幺，那幺我可以說，我在１９９８年的時候就講了，我將勇往直前，義無反顧，鞠躬盡瘁，死而后已，我現在還是這樣，只要活著，還有一口氣，就要為人民鞠躬盡瘁、死而后已。
Q: You gave a report on the outline of the 10th Five-Year Plan on March 5. By the year 2005, the Chinese people will have already completed the plan. May I ask at this time where you will be, the prime minister or a professor in a university or simply a retired man. In your opinion, when will you be too old to hold public office?
A: Indeed, recently I came across some reports, for instance a story carried in the Financial Times, which said that Premier Zhu is really old. In other words, I am already good for nothing. Some Hong Kong reports said that this will be the last time I deliver the report before Congress.
They are right in the sense that I am old, much older than perhaps all of you here. All I can say is that my term of office will last until 2003.
It is too early for me to declare who will succeed me as the next premier.
One thing is certain: I will be delivering the report on the work of the government next year and the year after next.
So I will be here again next year to host a press conference and will meet you all again.
As to what I am going to do after retirement, I have already answered very clearly in 1998 when I said I would press ahead without any hesitation and devote all I have to the country and the people until the last minute of my life. This is what I have been doing and this is what I am going to do.
法國歐洲時報記者：去年秋天中國的基金發生了很大的問題，后來經過嚴格的整頓，加強了監管。請問今后五年中，證券市場的監管重點是在什幺地方？是上市公司還是交易秩序？
答：從今年開始，中國證券市場的任務，或者說中國證監會的任務，就是要加強監管，通過法制規范的辦法，來實行公正、公平、公開。當然，它的監管重點是上市公司、證券公司和投資基金。這是一個長期的任務。但是今年要取得突出的或者說比較顯著的成績。
Q: We know that last autumn some problems occurred with the funds in the Chinese securities markets, and there was a rectification effort that resulted in strengthened regulation. So my question is, in the next five years, what will be the focus of your regulation effort towards the securities market? Will you target your effort at listed companies, securities brokerages or the order of the market?
A: Beginning from this year, the primary task of the China Securities Regulatory Commission is to strengthen regulation through legal regime and to standardize the operation of the market to make sure the market is fair, equitable and open. Of course, the focus of the regulatory efforts will be the listed companies and investment funds. This will be a prolonged task, but we expect to achieve noticeable results this year.
?nbsp| 費改革被稱為繼中國土地改革和家庭承包經營之后第三次農村革命，毫無疑問，它將從根本上減輕農民的負擔。但是，從目前的試點情況來看，也有人擔心這種改革會導致一些新的問題，比如鄉鎮面臨財政困難，農村教育經費短缺，請問國家將采取哪些措施來解決這些問題？
答：農村 ?nbsp| 費改革是一次很大的革命，我們絕不能低估它的重要性、復雜性和艱巨性。目前從農民手里收�。常埃皟|元的農業?nbsp| ，６００億元的鄉統籌、村提留，再加上亂收費，恐怕從農民那里一年要拿１２００億元甚至更多。我們這一次的?nbsp| 費改革，就是要把現在收取的３００億元的農業?nbsp| ，提高到５００億元，也就是農業?nbsp| 率從５％提高到８．４％；與此同時，把鄉統籌、村提留的６００億元和各種亂收費一律減掉。這樣會出現一個很大的收支缺口。中央財政準備拿出２００億到３００億元補貼給農村，給有困難的省、自治區、直轄市。但是，這個缺口還是很大的。這些收費主要是用在農村的教育上。因此，如果不對農村的教育體制進行改革，補貼這些錢是不夠的。但是我們下決心，一方面要減輕農民的負擔，一方面要保證農村義務教育的需要，這是堅定不移的。我們首先在安徽省進行試點，然后再在全國推廣，這是一個非常重大的任務。但是，這個改革如果得到成功，我們的農業基礎就穩固了，農村就穩定了，國民經濟發展就有了更好的基礎。
Q: I’ve got a question concerning China ’s agriculture. The reform of taxation and fees in the countryside has been referred to as the third rural revolution following the land reform and the reform of the household responsibility system. Undoubtedly, this reform will fundamentally reduce the burden on Chinese farmers. But according to the results of the pilot project, some people have found that this might create new problems. For instance, organizations at the township level might not have adequate financial resources at their disposal, and education in rural areas will be underfunded as a result. What measures will the Chinese Government adopt to solve these problems?
A: You are very right in saying that the reform of taxation and fees in the countryside is a major revolution. We should never underestimate the importance, complexity and difficulty of this reform endeavour.
Every year we collect 30 billion yuan (US$3.6 billion) of agricultural tax from Chinese farmers, 60 billion yuan (US$7.2 billion) from township contributions and funds raised by villages, and money is also taken away from farmers in the form of unauthorized fees and the collection of funds. So perhaps totally in a year, 120 billion yuan (US$14.5 billion) or even a larger amount than that is taken away from farmers.
Indeed, as a result of the reform of taxation and fees, we will increase the 30 billion yuan (US$3.6 billion) of agricultural tax to 50 billion yuan (US$6 billion). That is, the rate of this type of tax will be increased from 5 per cent to 8.4 per cent. And with regard to the other fees, like township contributions and money retained by villages, that is 60 billion yuan as I explained earlier. All sorts of other unauthorized fees will no longer be collected. This will result in a big shortfall in financial resources. In the face of this problem, and in face of the shortfall, the central government will make available 20 to 30 billion yuan in subsidies to the countryside and to provinces and cities with difficulties. Nevertheless, maybe there will still be a shortfall of financial resources. So to solve this problem, we will have to reform the educational system in the countryside because most of the fees previously collected actually found their way to support education. So if the educational system is not reformed, there will not be enough money to support it. Generally speaking, we are determined to go forward with this reform. We want to reduce the burdens of Chinese farmers on the one hand and, on the other, we must ensure that compulsory education will be made universally available in the countryside. We are determined to have this done. We will first start with the pilot project in Anhui Province . After that, the experience will be spread to elsewhere throughout the country. This is regarded as a very important task for the State Council, but if this reform endeavour turns out to be a great success, then agriculture will have a solid foundation. The farmers, with their burdens reduced, will lead a happy life and the national economy can have a more solid foundation to continue to develop.
路透社記者：您的報告中談到了江澤民主席的"三個代表"的思想、"以德治國"的思想，請問對于普通人來講，"三個代表"對他們意味著什幺，"以德治國"對他們又意味著什幺？
答：我想，江澤民主席提出 "三個代表"的思想，" 以德治國"的理念，都是對馬克思主義理論的發展。在這個問題上，我們中央的意見是完全一致的。但是你讓我在這個地方來闡明這個思想，我想不是時候，也許我們需要開一次研討會。
Q: I noticed in your work report that you included several elements of Jiang Zemin’s theories, including the ’’Three Represents’’ and Rule by Virtue. Since you are famous for very plain and easy-understanding language, can you explain to us what the Three Represents means to the man on the street and also what Rule by Virtue means as you plan to practise it?
A: The theory of Three Represents and the philosophy of Rule by Virtue put forward by President Jiang Zemin is actually the extension and development of Marxism theory. This is not the work of President Jiang himself. The entire CPC Central Committee have agreed on those points. But I don’t think today is the fitting occasion for me to give you a thorough elaboration. Perhaps it will need an international seminar for a thorough discussion about the question you have raised.
澳門日報記者：澳門回歸一年多來，各方面的工作都取得了較大進展，開局很好。但是，隨著海峽兩岸關系的改善和變化，以及中國和中國臺北相繼加入WTO以后，澳門在經濟上的地位和作用會發生什幺變化？澳門的發展前景會怎幺樣？這是澳門很多人都關心的一個熱點問題，能不能請總理談一點看法和意見？
答：澳門地域較小，經濟規模不大。但是它高度開放，在大陸和臺灣地區的經濟聯系中發揮了很大作用。我相信在中國加入ＷＴＯ，臺灣地區隨后也加入ＷＴＯ以后，澳門更能夠發揮它的優勢來加強這種聯系，更好地發揮它的紐帶作用，使它自身的經濟也發展得更快、更好。
Q: Macao was returned to the motherland more than one year ago. Since then, fairly big progress has been made and all the endeavours in Macao have had a good beginning. But with the improvement of relations across the Taiwan Straits and with the entry into World Trade Organization (WTO) of both the mainland and Chinese Taipei, what kind of changes will occur in the status and role of Macao in the economy? What is your view on the prospect of development in Macao ? This is an issue of great interest to residents in Macao .
A: Although Macao is quite small in terms of size of territory and modest in its scale of economy, Macao is highly open and plays a very big role in linking the mainland and the region of Taiwan economically. With China ’s entry into the WTO and with the entry into the WTO of Chinese Taipei as a separate customs territory, I’m sure Macao can play an even bigger role as the link between the Chinese mainland and Taiwan and will be able to develop its economy more rapidly.
中國日報記者：今天是３‧１５維權日，近年來制造假幣，還有棉花、糧食摻假事件時有發生，人民對此反映強烈。請問國務院在打擊、遏制這些假冒偽劣產品，保護消費者權益，增強中國產品在國際市場的聲譽和競爭能力方面，將采取哪些有效的措施？ 答：在社會主義市場經濟發展過程中，市場的欺詐行為、假冒偽劣、?nbsp| 蒙詐騙層出不窮，大家可以從《焦點訪談》和其它的電視節目里看到這些情況。我看了以后義憤填膺，晚上睡不著覺�，F在我們政府職能的轉變就是要加強對市場的監管、查處，保護消費者和人民的利益。在這方面，我們的工作還需要大大加強。因此，我們除了要加強市場監管的立法工作以外，還要加強執法部門的地位和作用。我們將把國家工商行政管理局升格為總局，加強對市場的監管，還要加強質量技術監督局和國家出入境檢驗檢疫局、新聞出版署等等。這些單位都應該發揮他們的市場監管作用。我們今年準備召開一次全國性整頓和規范市場經濟秩序的大會，來加強這項工作，包括整頓文化市場。當然，不是搞運動，但是開頭總得有點聲勢，然后把它變成一個持久執法的工作。 Q: Today, March 15, happens to be the day for the protection of the rights and interests of consumers. We have seen numerous problems of counterfeit notes, and adulterated cotton and grain. The general public feel very strongly about those problems. What long-lasting and effective measures will the State Council adopt in order to strike at these problems and to protect the interests of consumers and also to enhance the reputation and competitiveness of Chinese products on the international market?
A: As we develop the socialist market economy, we have seen cases of fraudulent practice in the market. For instance, shoddy and fake goods with inferior quality and fraudulent practices to bilk people out of their money, etc. These instances have been exposed in such TV programmes as Focus and on other TV reports. Every time such instances come to my attention, I am filled with a strong sense of indignation and I cannot sleep well.
Earlier, I talked about the reform of the functions of government. The function of the government under the socialist market economy is to properly supervise market operations, strengthen regulations, fight against shoddy goods and fake products, and to protect the rights and interests of consumers. In these fields, there is still big room for improvement and we will intensify our efforts.
So we have to work harder in legislation to try to better regulate the market. At the same time, we should also improve the quality of law enforcement people. We should strengthen the position and role of the organizations that carry out regulatory functions. One example was actually given in my earlier remarks. The State Administration of Industry and Commerce will be upgraded to a full ministry level organization. We want to strengthen teams such as the organization responsible for the inspection of quality and technical standards, the organization responsible for quarantine and the inspection of imported and exported goods, and also the agency responsible for the quality control of medicine. We need to strengthen the regulatory authorities of those functions. So, this year, we will have a national conference to strengthen our work in these fields. In the beginning, we need to have a large scale meeting in order to have momentum to start the crusade, which will have a long-lasting impact on these problems.
亞太金融新聞社記者：早些時候您談到農村?nbsp| 費改革時指出，改革以后會有資金的短缺，因此，需要對農村的教育進行改革，但是錢少了，怎幺樣才能進行農村教育的改革，從而確保在農村地區的所有孩子都能像城里的孩子一樣得到應有的教育？
答：我們一定要實現保證農村義務教育的目標。錢不夠，就加錢，而且應該把這個錢用得更加有效。就是說，還應該進行教育體制改革。明年的記者招待會，我可能會對你這個問題回答得更加具體。
Q: You mentioned earlier that there is going to be a reform of the taxation system in the countryside, but there will still be a shortfall in the amount of money that will be available and this will require the reform of the educational system in the rural areas. So if you actually lack money, how are you going to reform the educational system to give the very people who need it a chance to have the same education that everyone is getting in urban areas?
A: A very good question. One thing is very clear - we are determined to make sure that compulsory education is made available to every child in the countryside. If there is a shortfall of financial resources, then we can come up with more financial support. What is more, we should make more efficient use of the money. That is what I mean when I talk about the reform of the educational system in the countryside.
I will be prepared to give you a more detailed answer when I come back here to meet the press next year.
完
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